Washington — Since the dark days of the Civil War and its aftermath, Washington has seen days like Wednesday.
At the Capitol, equipped with heavily armed soldiers and a newly installed metal detector, the physical debris of the siege last week was cleared, but emotional and political debris were still on display, so the U.S. president said. He was impeached for trying to overthrow American democracy.
For some reason, it repeatedly pushed all the limits and felt like a pre-determined coder of the president who untied the body politic. In less than a week, President Trump’s term reached the pinnacle of violence and criticism when the country suffered a severe fracture and lost his senses. The concept of truth and reality is atomized. Trust in the system has been lost. Anger is one thing in common.
Washington fell into a miasma of suspicion and conflict, as if Mr. Trump became the only president to be impeached twice, or if lawmakers tried to dismiss him for the remaining days of his term. .. Democratic lawmakers accused Republican colleagues of helping the mob pre-scout the building last week. Republicans complained about safety measures aimed at keeping guns away from the floor of the House of Representatives.
All of this happened in the last few weeks of President Trump against a distracted but devastating pandemic.
In the United States, the coronavirus killed more than 4,400 people the day before the House of Representatives vote. This is one day more than those killed in the attack on Pearl Harbor, September 11, 2001, or the Battle of Antietam. Only after several lawmakers were infected during the attack on the Parliament and new rules came into force, they eventually wore masks consistently during the debate on Wednesday.
Historians have had a hard time defining this moment. They compare it to the times of the Great Depression, World War II, the Civil War, the McCarthyist era, and other huge challenges like Watergate. They recall the canning of Charles Sumner on the Senate floor and the operation of sneaking Abraham Lincoln into Washington for his inauguration for fear of attack.
They cite the horrifying year of 1968, when Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy were assassinated when the campus and city center erupted over the Vietnam War and civil rights. Or the result of a September 11 attack where large-scale further violent deaths seemed inevitable. Still, none of them are perfectly comparable.
“I wish I could give you a wise analogy, but to be honest, I don’t think this has happened so far,” said one of America’s most venerable historians. One Jeffrey C. Ward said. “If the US president had told the delusional mob to march on the Capitol in search of blood, I would have said you were fooled.”
Similarly, Jay Winnick, a prominent chronologist during the Civil War and other conflict periods, said there was no exact analogy. “This is an extraordinary moment that is virtually unparalleled in history,” he said. “It’s hard to find another time when the glue that holds us apart was as disjointed as it is now.”
All of this undermines the US reputation on the world stage and wears out what President Ronald Reagan called a “shining city on a hill”, a challenge that even mature democracies can do. I am doing a case study. surface.
“The historic moment we were a model for is basically over,” said Timothy Snyder, an authoritarian Yale historian. “We now need to regain trust, but that may not be so bad.”
At the Capitol on Wednesday, the scene evoked memories of Baghdad’s Green Zone during the Iraq War. For the first time, the troops were bebouted at the Houses of Parliament as the Confederates threatened to march across the Potomac River.
The debate about Mr. Trump’s fate was just a week ago when guards pulled guns, barricaded doors, and lawmakers threw themselves to the floor or fled from behind to escape the hordes of looting of Trump supporters. It was done in the same house chamber. Anger for the violation was still in the air. So was the fear.
However, the shock diminished to some extent and the discussion was sometimes numb. Most lawmakers quickly returned to the party corner.
As Democrats demanded accountability, many Republicans pushed them back and assassinated them to make a hasty decision, without hearing, evidence, or even much debate. Mr. Trump’s whistleblower quoted his inflammatory words at a rally just before the attack. His advocates quoted provocative words that claim that there is a double standard, including Congressman Nancy Pelosi, Congressman Maxine Waters, and even Robert De Niro and Madonna.
The fact that the comparisons are apples and oranges was not as important as the prisms they reflect. Mr. Trump has tried to overturn the democratic elections lost in the false allegations of widespread fraud, pressured other Republicans and even the Vice President to go with him, and unruly supporters. “Fight like hell.” But his allies complained that he had long been the target of what they considered an unjustified Partyzan attack and investigation.
“Donald Trump is the most dangerous man ever to occupy the Oval Office,” declared Texas Democrat Joaquin Castro.
“The left wing of the United States has caused far more political violence than the right wing,” Florida Republican Congressman Matt Gaetz declared.
A completely different vantage point encapsulated America in the Trump era. At one point, Democratic majority leader Stennie H. Heuer of Maryland expressed resentment at the portrayal of what happened on the other side. “You don’t live in the same country as me,” he exclaimed. And at least everyone can agree.
Mr. Trump chose not to provide protection to himself and to ignore the significant events that were happening. After voting, he published a five-minute video message, more broadly condemning last week’s violence and denying those who carried it out. “If you do any of these things, you don’t support our movement, you’re attacking it,” he said.
Unlike Mr. Trump’s first impeachment, which put pressure on Ukraine to help hurt Democrats, some of his party have now abandoned him. In the end, 10 Republicans joined all Democrats and approved the only impeachment article led by third-ranked Republican Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming. The emergence of the Cheneys, once considered ideological provocatives, as advocates of traditional republicanism at this moment proved how much the party had changed under Mr. Trump.
Compared to the 197 members who voted against the impeachment, there were not many 10 secession Republicans. On the other hand, impeaching Mr. Trump in December 2019 was ten more than the number of votes cast, and was a member of most of the president’s own party in favor of impeachment in American history.
Other Republicans are unwise, unnecessary, and disruptive to pursue Mr. Trump’s responsibility to incite a mob and whether it would be a blameable crime a few days before the presidential election. I insisted that there was, and aimed to draw a more delicate line. Joseph R. Biden Jr. takes the oath of office.
“That doesn’t mean the president isn’t faulty,” said Congressman Kevin McCarthy of California, a Republican minority leader and one of Mr. Trump’s strongest allies, in opposition to the impeachment. “The president is responsible for the mob riot’s attack on Congress on Wednesday. He should have immediately blamed the mob when he saw what was happening.”
Still, the loyalty that so many House Republicans have shown for the president who lost reelection and did a lot to hurt their party was impressive. “Even after the overwhelming majority of representatives elected to one of the two American political parties overtly planned to reverse the election and threatened their lives by doing so, the demagogy Well, if we can’t refuse to hold, we’re on a long way, said Frank O. Bowman III, an impeachment scholar at the University of Missouri Law School.
Brenda Wineapple, author of “The Impeachers” on President Andrew Johnson’s trial in 1868, said in a debate Wednesday that he had acknowledged some of the arguments against the conviction. It’s a bad precedent, it just divides the country further. She saw another response, the desire to move beyond Johnson to Ulysses Grant, who was seen as a healing person like his expected successor, Mr. Biden.
“It gives me hope,” she said. “We need to have hope.”
But as long as the United States needs restoration, it’s a project that could be overwhelming for any president without widespread consensus between political parties. Mr. Trump may be impeached, but he will almost certainly finish the last week of his term, and he is not going to escape with embarrassment or ignorance like the other one-term losers, even if What has decreased.
Moreover, those who see his defeat as a call to weapons are still in power. Security officials are strengthening their troops in Washington for Mr Biden’s inauguration next week and are worried about repeated invasions of the Capitol. Pollsters suggest that millions of Americans believe in him after Mr. Trump has repeatedly mistakenly told them that the election has been stolen.
“On the eve of the 1940 elections, the FDR said democracy was more than just a word:” it’s a living thing, a human being, a mixture of brain and muscle, and mind and soul. ” Biographer of Williams College and President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
Now, she says, after the events of the last few days and years, “I know that democracy is vulnerable and our democratic minds and souls are in serious danger.” I did.
Pre-determined coder to presidency
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